With the re-election of Donald Trump as president, the role of the United States in the world — and with it the transatlantic relationship — is shifting at a pace few would have predicted. Under Donald Trump, the security of Europe is no longer an integral part of American interests in the way it was for decades after World War II. This change brings uncomfortable truths and consequential decisions for Europe. We want to continue working with the U.S., but at the same time we must recognize that we are now responsible for our own security.

[related]The truth is that even long before Trump, the U.S. had urged Europeans to do more for their own security and to shoulder a greater share of the burden within NATO. We Europeans often ignored these calls out of convenience. Now we must rapidly become capable of defending ourselves so that we never have to be defended. We must rise to this responsibility because the future of Europe and our free, democratic way of life depends on it.

The recently published U.S. National Security Strategy makes clear how the United States views its role abroad and how it sees Europe. Strategically, the U.S. is focused on maintaining dominance in the Western Hemisphere against external political and economic influence. In this framework, democratic rule-of-law states in Europe are at times seen as part of the problem, while reducing tensions with Russia is cast as a goal in order to achieve a type of strategic stability. In pursuit of that goal, pressure is being applied — especially on Ukraine.

For Europeans, these positions are not compatible with our own security interests. Europe’s security depends on the failure of Putin’s war of aggression in Ukraine. Only by preventing Russia from achieving its aims can we stop military force from once again being seen as a legitimate tool of state policy — not just in Europe, but elsewhere, for example as a model for China regarding Taiwan. An end to the war that rewards aggression would not bring peace; it would destabilize Ukraine and further erode the foundations of the European security order.

The authority of international law is non-negotiable for us Europeans. It applies equally to both strong and weak states and is, for many, the most important protection against the predatory actions of militarily stronger neighbors. That is why, in full solidarity, we must also insist that the U.S. uphold international law and must not let it be relativized.

Europe missed the opportunity to put itself in a position where it has the capability to act independently in world affairs. We must make up for that now. This includes continuing to invest in transatlantic relations, which are more than government-to-government ties. They encompass politics, economics, and — above all — the connections between people in the U.S. and Europe that often go back generations and tell the shared and fateful history of our continents. Despite all difficulties, that story is not yet finished.

Norbert Röttgen, Member of the German Bundestag (CDU/CSU), is the deputy parliamentary leader of the Christian Democrats in the German Bundestag. He is also the deputy chairman of Atlantik-Brücke.

To read more on the question of whether the United States is still Europe’s partner, also see the pro comment by Metin Hakverdi, Member of the German Bundestag (SPD), Coordinator for Transatlantic Civil Society, Cultural, and Information Policy Cooperation of the Federal Government at the Federal Foreign Office and board member of Atlantik-Brücke here: “Strategic Decoupling would be damaging for Europe”

Der Beitrag “The U.S. positions on Russia Are Not Compatible With Our Own Security Interests” erschien zuerst auf Atlantik-Brücke e.V..

“Are the United States still Europe’s partner?”

These days, it might be tempting to say no. National security strategy, tariffs, Venezuela, Greenland — there are plenty of reasons to question our relationship with the U.S. No doubt: the Trump administration enforces its interests in drastic ways, strains our alliance with territorial demands, carries ideological conflicts from U.S. domestic politics into Europe, and openly supports European right-wing populists.

[related]And yet, on sober reflection, the United States are still our ally and should remain so. That is not just a legalistic statement with regard to our NATO alliance, which continues despite some fears. It is also neither nostalgia nor habit.

Beyond daily politics, the U.S. on the one hand — and Germany and Europe on the other — objectively share a wide range of common interests. We are closely connected economically and militarily. Europe currently lacks sufficient conventional capabilities and credible nuclear deterrence to protect itself in the near term. We can only face the challenges posed by China and Russia together.

Our economic relations with the U.S. are of outstanding importance, creating jobs and prosperity on both sides of the Atlantic. Research, supply chains, and investments are deeply intertwined. A strategic decoupling would be economically self-damaging for Europe. Even in our own security and economic interest, we should not burn bridges. Partnership with the U.S. is (also) sober interest-based policy.

At the same time, this does not mean a free pass. Europe must strengthen its own sovereignty and set clear limits. Regardless of how American policy develops in the future, Europe must take on more responsibility. A stronger Europe is not an alternative to the transatlantic partnership, but its prerequisite: if the U.S. drifts further away, Europe must be capable of acting on its own; if they draw closer, Europe is a resilient partner.

Furthermore: the transatlantic relationship is far more than the relationship between individual governments, more than Berlin and Washington, D.C. Our partnership is based on a myriad of contacts and networks at all levels — in politics, the economy, and civil society. And yes, at its core on our shared values. Politics can change, but these transatlantic bonds are enduring. They must, however, be tended to despite all adversity.

The alternative to partnership with the U.S. would be sobering: strategic dependence on authoritarian powers or European great-power fantasies without real basis. Neither is in Europe’s interest. The real conclusion, therefore, is this: the United States are still Europe’s partner. But Europe must make this partnership more European so that it remains transatlantic.

Metin Hakverdi, Member of the German Bundestag (SPD), serves as the Coordinator for Transatlantic Civil Society, Cultural, and Information Policy Cooperation of the Federal Government at the Federal Foreign Office. He is a board member of Atlantik-Brücke.

Also see the contra position of Norbert Röttgen, MdB (CDU/CSU), deputy parliamentary leader of the Christian Democrats in the German Bundestag and deputy chairman of Atlantik-Brücke here: “The U.S. positions on Russia are not compatible with our own security interests.”

Der Beitrag „Strategic decoupling would be damaging for Europe“ erschien zuerst auf Atlantik-Brücke e.V..